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Kolkata was a thriving business hub till the 1970s, when the Naxalite movement and militant trade unions drove businessmen and companies out of the city: Philips, JK Paper, Brooke Bond, Bata, ICI, Shaw Wallace and Ispat. Hari Shankar Singhania had recently told Business Standard that it was trade union violence, tacitly supported by the state government, that led to his relocation from Kolkata to Delhi in 1970. “The work atmosphere was vitiated. Productivity was hampered by political interference,” he had said. Banerjee was not expected to win back men like Singhania, but there was hope that she would draw investments into the state.

Three months later, the euphoria of Shibpur has more or less dissipated.

* * *

On December 9, 90 people were killed in a fire at AMRI Hospital, and its promoters, two of the men backing the yajna, Goenka and Agarwal of Emami, have been in custody for over 50 days now. In contrast, the non-Marwari office bearers were taken into custody 45 days after the fire and the government nominees are still at large. Marwaris fear that Banerjee has played to the gallery — her vote bank doesn’t seem to mind the incarceration of the businessmen. This is what bothers them the most. When she was approach-ed by some Marwaris on the issue, she thundered: “A chamber has said that the directors of AMRI should be released. I want to tell them that we want industry here, but we don’t want industry that will kill people. Terrorists are terrorists.” What may have worsened matters was the closeness of some Marwari businessmen to the earlier communist regime. The standard joke was that the “M” in CPI(M) stood not for Marxist but Marwari.

Privately, leading Marwari businessmen admit that they have come under pressure in the last few weeks from their independent directors who now want to leave — they never know what they might be hauled up for. Still others don’t know how the administration will respond to their requests. A leading businessman who owns a jute mill in Kolkata wants to convert some unused land into a shopping mall, but has decided to lay low for the time being — in the current environment he sees no hope of the government agreeing to change the land-use agreement.

Marwari charities too have seen some exits, which could get worse in the days to come: Arun Poddar has resigned from the board of Anandalok Hospital, H P Kanoria from Vishuddhananda Saraswati Marwari Hospital, and C L Agarwal and Sadhuram Bansal from the Marwari Relief Society. “Had the general secretary and I also resigned, the hospital would have closed down because it wouldn’t have had any authorised signatory,” Marwari Relief Society President and Century Ply Chairman Sajjan Bhajanka says. “The entire business community is peeved with the government’s handling of the AMRI episode. The community is the lifeline of Bengal.”

That is true to a large extent. Marwaris have a total monopoly over the jute and stockbroking businesses. Tea, another Kolkata stronghold, is fragmented but the world’s largest player in the game is a Marwari from Kolkata: Brij Mohan Khaitan. In local industry associations, their representation is 60 to 80 per cent. The Marwari families of Kolkata have included names like Birla, Dalmia, Mittal, Kanoria, Goenka, Lodha, Khaitan and many others. Most of them started out as traders but graduated to manufacturing in the last century. As they made money, these Marwaris set up over a dozen schools and an equal number of hospitals in the city.

Then there are thousands of smaller Marwari traders in the city. Burrabazaar, in north-central Kolkata, is the hub of the city’s Marwari community. It is a warren of narrow lanes lined with once-grand buildings of the early traders and zamindars of Bengal which have now been divided into small tenements where many of these Marwari traders live, conduct business in shops and offices, and even have their warehouses. Burrabazaar has several markets, called katras and pattis, dedicated to specific commodities — Mechua for fruits, Raja Katra for spices, Loha patty for hardware and so on.

Fear stalks them now. “One should be careful that negative messages are not sent out,” says R V Kanoria, the chairman and managing director of Kanoria Chemicals Industries and the new president of the Marwari-dominated Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce Industry. “The economic agenda is contingent upon the mood. Banerjee needs a broader vision and needs to enunciate it.”

To be fair, Banerjee never promised Bengal big-ticket investments. After all, her rise from the ashes of the 2006 Assembly elections was driven by her success in driving Tata Motors’ Nano small-car project away from Singur. The company, within no time, found a helpful chief minister in Narendra Modi of Gujarat and moved the entire plant, though one Nano car had been made there, to Sanand. Tata Motors Chairman Ratan Tata had talked of a Good M (Narendra Modi, in all probability) and a Bad M (Mamata?).

* * *

“Should we forget our commitment to the people of Bengal? We came to power on the back of these policies. We will not go back on our land policy or on foreign direct investment,” West Bengal Commerce Industry Minister Partha Chatterjee says without mincing words. A Marwari businessman says it’s more difficult to meet Chatterjee than Banerjee, though he doesn’t take any decision without his boss’s consent. Recently, when an industry captain told Banerjee that Lufthansa had joined the long list of international airlines that had packed off from Kolkata, she quipped that let it go, ten more will come.

To counter the growing tirade against its stance on industry, the state government recently came out with large advertisements on its achievements. “West Bengal in Top Gear…In just six months, the state has received proposals to the tune of Rs 65,409 crore from various sectors,” screamed front-page advertisements in many newspapers. The details of the investments — who, where, how much — are not available; Chatterjee has apparently saved the names to announce in the state Assembly. Not surprisingly, Banerjee’s predecessor, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, is already punching holes in the claim saying that all the projects were bagged by his government.

Some businessmen openly say that they are missing Bhattacharjee in office. “He had singlehandedly transformed Bengal from a no-investment destination to the most favoured investment destination. Had the cars rolled out of Singur, 20 other factories would have come up. It was just a matter of time,” a Kolkata-based industrialist with diversified interests says.

The list of abandoned and delayed projects is long: Bhushan Steel’s 6 million tonnes per annum steel plant with Sumitomo of Japan, Videocon’s 6 million tonnes per annum steel plant, JSW Steel’s 10 million tonnes per annum steel plant, the PCPIR project of the Salim group of Indonesia and NRI industrialist Prasoon Mukherjee. “There are issues with the land policy. The government will have to acquire land. It is not possible to purchase land for projects like a steel plant without help from the state government,” Bhushan Steel Managing Director Neeraj Singal says. One of the first things Banerjee did after becoming chief minister was to form a committee to draft a land policy, legitimising her pre-election stand of no government intervention in the acquisition of land for industrial projects.

* * *

Slowly, it seems, Banerjee is losing support elsewhere too. Though the state’s finances are a shambles, it hasn’t stopped the “compulsive populist” in Banerjee from announcing sops. For instance, she has created 275,000 posts in the health, education and police departments. “Who will pay their salaries? The outgo could be as high as Rs 300 crore a month. Already, funds are being diverted from central schemes to pay salaries,” a bureaucrat points out. Another bureaucrat estimates that the half dozen sops she announced till July 2011 alone would drain the exchequer of Rs 400 crore a month. He stopped tracking the losses after the initial months.

Much of Banerjee’s problem stems from her style of functioning. “Nothing in this government moves without her consent. There is no delegation,” an industrialist says. Bureaucrats say that at any point there are 600 to 700 files waiting to be cleared by her. Not to mention trust deficit. “District magistrates are encouraged to report directly to the chief minister. The delivery mechanism has gone for a toss,” a bureaucrat says. It was hardly surprising that Chief Secretary Samar Ghosh, whose term ends on March 31, has politely refused the chief minister’s desire to grant him an extension. A Marwari businessman who worked closely with Banerjee when she was Union Railways Minister says he has seen her morph from a doer and able administrator to a hard-core politician.

“In the last eight months, there has been no qualitative paribarton [change] in West Bengal,” disillusioned educationist Sunanda Sanyal, who was part of the celebrated Paribartan Chai campaign, which brought Banerjee to power, says. Sanyal has stepped down from education committees due to differences of opinion. Banerjee’s tenure has seen high farmer suicides (at least 32), infant deaths (116 in Malda district alone; no arrests, of course) and low take-off of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme — the state has provided just 14 days of work, on an average, to each beneficiary, way below the national average of 45 days. Perhaps the most scathing review of Banerjee’s government came from the mightiest proponent of the Paribartan Chai campaign, writer Mahasweta Devi. “Have we brought in fascism,” the author and activist asked when the government refused to grant permission to a rights group for holding a rally a few months back.

Not all is going Banerjee’s way, but it’s not that the eight months haven’t seen any success. Her biggest success is, perhaps, addressing the Naxal issue in the state.

The Marwaris are still hopeful. “The business community in Kolkata,” says Adventz Group (which has 23 companies including the Zuari and Texmaco groups) Chairman Saroj Poddar, “are keen to work with the Bengal government to develop the state.” The challenge for Banerjee is to make the transition from a street fighter to an able administrator with a vision for Bengal.

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Article source: http://www.business-standard.com/india/news/fear-factor/463651/

Article source: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/lucknow/Varanasi-Dehradun-Exp-to-resume-run-from-today/articleshow/11748098.cms

TCPL Packaging 3QFY12 total income up 27% at Rs. 77.95 crore; PAT at Rs 1.62 crore

TCPL Packaging Ltd. (TCPL) (formerly Twenty-First Century Printers Ltd), one of the largest manufacturers of folding cartons announced the financial results for the third quarter and nine months ended December 31, 2011.

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Mumbai, Maharashtra, February 2, 2012 /India PRwire/ — TCPL Packaging Ltd. (TCPL) (formerly Twenty-First Century Printers Ltd), one of the largest manufacturers of folding cartons announced the financial results for the third quarter and nine months ended December 31, 2011.

3QFY12 performance

• The Company’s total income increased by 27.0% from Rs 61.37 crore for 3QFY11 to Rs. 77.95 crore for 3QFY12
• EBIDTA for 3QFY12 stood at Rs 12.65 crore, up 34.6% against Rs 9.4 crore in 3QFY11
• EBIDTA margin improved by 60 bps to 16.2% as compared to 15.6% in 3QFY11
• The Company’s profit prior to tax and extraordinary items registered a growth of 61.3% during 3QFY12 to Rs 4.52 crore as compared to Rs 2.80 crore during 3QFY11.
• Profit after tax (PAT) for 3QFY12 stood at Rs 1.63 crore as compared to Rs 1.83 crore during 3QFY11, primarily on account of forex losses of Rs 2.2 crore.

9MFY12 Performance

• The Company’s income increased by 17.8% to Rs. 205.14 crore as compared to Rs. 174.13 crore during 9MFY11.
• EBIDTA increased by 25.1% to Rs 31.78 crore as compared to Rs 25.41 crore in 9MFY11
• EBIDTA margin improved by 90 bps to 15.5% as compared to 14.6% in 9MFY11
• Profit before exceptional items is up 30% at Rs 9.74 crore as against Rs 7.49 crore.
• PAT for 9MFY12 stood at Rs 4.68 crore as compared to Rs 4.71 crore during 9MFY11. The Company incurred a forex loss of Rs 3.33 crore that also impacted its profitability
• The Company’s revenues during 9MFY12 accounted for 85.4% of the total revenues during FY11
• The Company’s PAT during 9MFY12 accounted for 74.5% of the total PAT during FY11

Business Developments

• During 3QFY12, the Company successfully added a third line printing press at Haridwar.
• The Company enhanced presence in FMCG segment by introducing innovative packaging solutions to new clientele.
• During January 2012, the company commissioned its corrugation plant in Goa.

Management comment

Commenting on the Q3 FY12 results, Mr Saket Kanoria, Managing Director said: “Current year results reflect the fruition of recent expansion plans at Silvassa and Haridwar. During the year, we have strengthened our presence in FMCG segment by adding prestigious clients. Our new facility in Goa for corrugated cartons will further enhance our product range and expand our value chain.”

Notes to Editor

About TCPL Group

TCPL Packaging Ltd (TCPL) (formerly Twenty-First Century Printers Ltd) is one of the leading ad largest manufacturers of folding cartons in India. Based from in Mumbai, TCPL has three manufacturing units in Silvassa and one in Haridwar. TCPL is an ISO 9001:2008, ISO 22000:2005, BRC/IoP certified and SEDEX Compliant packaging company. TCPL currently converts 3000 tons of paperboard every month and range of products are printed blanks others, Folding cartons, Litho Lamination, Plastic cartons, Blister paper, Shelf ready packaging. TCPL caters to Cigarette, Liquor, Food, FMCG and other sectors.

Article source: http://www.indiaprwire.com/pressrelease/consumer/20120202110902.htm

Vivek Vihar by ‘a godman from Haridwar’ on the evening of January 14.

“Initially, he asked me the address to a particular area. When I told him that I didn’t know, he touched my head and produced a chit somewhere from my hair. He then grabbed my hand and there was another paper chit in his hand,” Ritesh said.

Both the slips, which Ritesh was made to read, pronounced the ‘death of near or dear one’. The teenager was finally hooked and the godman knew what to do next.

“He told me that there was some impending danger that would befall my family. I kept begging him to tell me how I could stop it from happening, whether there was any solution,” the student of class nine recalled.

The solution, claimed the godman, was a special prayer for which Ritesh would need to bring all the golden ornaments belonging to his family to the him the next day at the same time and the same place.

So, the first thing that a shaken Ritesh did after he got home was bundle-up all the jewels that his family owned.

“I met him and one more man at the same place at 11:30 am on the next day and handed over the bundle. I was told to look the other side and invoke any God 101 times. It felt like I was in a trance, I did exactly what I was told,” he said.

That’s when some muffled laughter, emanating from somewhere behind him, got Ritesh a little curious and made him turn back only to see the godman and his assistant running away.

“They didn’t even leave my cycle,” Ritesh exclaimed. A case has been registered and the police claim investigations are underway.

Article source: http://www.hindustantimes.com/India-news/NewDelhi/14-yr-old-conned-into-giving-away-mother-s-jewellery/Article1-805898.aspx

The increasing frequency of chance encounters between people and elephants on road in the Rishikesh and Haridwar region has triggered widespread anxiety among locals.

The forest department is undertaking measures to avert damage to property and life but officials believe the problem will persist.

It advises the affected population to maintain more caution in their movements which they have not been doing in the recent past.

Over the last fortnight, there has been an increase in the number of incidents when elephants came on to the road disrupting traffic and causing damage to buildings and crops.

A few days ago, a child had a narrow escape when the two adults accompanying him in a car fled from an elephant which had come on to the road near Rishikesh leaving him behind. Luckily, the elephant did not hurt the minor or destroy the car.

Wildlife experts point out that the main reason behind change in elephant movements is lack of food in the forest area. Besides, most human settlements in the terai region have been established on what were traditional elephant routes.

Article source: http://dailypioneer.com/nation/39811-rishikesh-jumbo-encounter-deaths-avoidable-official.html

From what appeared to be a cakewalk for the Congress, the complexion of this election has changed in just about four months since the BJP decided to sack the totally discredited former chief minister CM), Ramesh Pokhriyal Nishank, and appoint Khanduri in his stead. The turnaround is so dramatic that some pollsters have predicted a simple majority for the BJP in the 70-member assembly.

Khanduri himself is confident and rubbishes sceptics with characteristic guffaws. “I am happy with the way it is going. think people are fed up of letting smaller groups blackmail the national parties with their undue clout in a hung House. The BJP is getting a clear majority…” he says, looking like he was ready for more after a marathon round of campaigning in the far- flung Rudraprayag, Agastyamuni, Ghansali and Gair Sain of the state. He was headed for his last meeting of the day in Raipur, bordering Dehradun.

At public meetings, such as the one organised by BJP’s Raipur candidate Trivendra Singh Rawat, Khanduri talks about fighting corruption, not hesitating attack politicians. “I am not saying the Lokayukta will bring an end to corruption India. But the crooks need to fear god and the law,” he says, to cheering crowds.

This is not denying that the General is still fighting with his back to the wall after Nishank’s tainted and incompetent rule the BJP reeling.

The central party leaders, in a rare display of good sense, installed Khanduri as their own assessment predicted a disastrous outcome. The timing was propitious, coinciding with the efforts of Anna Hazare and his team to underline the corruption taint on the Congress.

However, anti-incumbency is a key factor the hill state, where no government has far been voted back in consecutive polls. The Congress, despite Khanduri being in charge during the 2009 general elections, had wrested five Lok Sabha seats from the BJP barely two years after N. D. Tiwari was voted out in favour of the BJP in the state.

A senior government official says: “Let them not tell you any different. It is a closely-fought election. The difference between the vote percentage of the Congress and the BJP is miniscule. And the pollsters are disregarding factors such as the BSP, the Independents, the Uttarakhand Kranti Dal (UKD) and the BJP’s rebels, such as TPS Rawat.”

Rawat is a former BJP MP who was supposed to be a Khanduri acolyte. He was among those who raised the banner of revolt against Nishank. But he has since turned against Khanduri as well, putting up rebel candidates in as many as 20 constituencies in the state.

The BSP is clearly a factor in the plains of Haridwar, Roorkee, Udham Singh Nagar and the Terai areas. The party has eight MLAs in the current assembly. Along with the UKD’s three MLAs, the “others” make up for a substantial number in the 70-member House. However, the arrival of Khanduri was, according to a senior official, a “bolt from the blue” for the Congress, which was expecting an easy win.

The problem with the Congress in the state is that after the semi-retirement of Tiwari, it does not have a leader to match Khanduri’s stature. There are as many as six CM aspirants in the Congress – Haridwar MP Harish Rawat, the firebrand leader of the Opposition Harak Singh Rawat, the party’s Dalit leader from Kumaon and state president Yashpal Arya, Garhwal MP Satpal Maharaj, the Brahmin face and election campaign committee chairman Vijay Bahuguna and former MLA from Haldwani Indira Hridyesh.

But none of them is as effective a campaigner as Khanduri. That is why the central leaders have increased their patrols. Both Sonia and Rahul Gandhi have already toured the hill state once and more such campaigns are expected.

The general feeling among veteran politicians, bureaucrats and the common people is that while the BJP has made immense recovery under Khanduri, it may still not be enough to bridge the gap.

The Congress is banking heavily on antiincumbency and the BJP entirely on Khanduri. So far, the General has at least kept up with the rival fire.

Article source: http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/uttarakhand-polls-b.-c.-khanduri-bjp-vs-congress/1/170522.html

Voting began across 9,806 polling booths at 8am on Monday, Election Commission (EC) officials said. Some 6.3 million people are

eligible to exercise their franchise.

Along with Uttarakhand, polling is taking place in Punjab.

In Uttarakhand, chief minister BC Khanduri, who replaced Ramesh Pokhriyal Nishank last year after corruption allegations surfaced against him, is trying to defend the turf for the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

Khanduri, a BJP candidate from Kotdwar, is pitted against Congress nominee Surendra Singh Negi. Dissent within the BJP ranks could affect its prospects, party sources admit.

Former chief minister Ramesh Pokhriyal Nishank, Leader of Opposition Harak Singh Rawat and state Congress chief Yashpal Arya are also among the more than 780 candidates in the fray.

Polling will be on till 5pm.

Votes will be counted March 6.

Article source: http://www.hindustantimes.com/News-Feed/Chunk-HT-UI-AssemblyElections2012-Uttarakhand-TopStories/Polling-begins-on-dull-note-in-Uttarakhand/Article1-804020.aspx

The revised figures of January 30 polling issued by Election Commission on Tuesday has put it at 66.8 per cent. The details released by the poll panel shows diverse voting trends in the State with areas dominated by minorities and Dalits, the BSP strongholds, witnessing as high a turnout as 83 per cent whereas the urban constituencies falling in Dehradun, where Team Anna campaigned intensively, recording a ‘low’ turnout between 60 and 62 per cent.

The other urban centre, Nainital, fared worse, recording a meagre 55 per cent polls. Due to inclement weather, though polling remained low in hill districts, Uttarkashi proved to be an exception, with all the three seats of Gangotri, Yamunotri and Purola averaging above 70 per cent polling.

Haridwar district bordering Uttar Pradesh and having 11 Assembly constituencies recorded the highest voter turnout. In Laksar, Priankaliyar and Khanpur voter turnout was 80 per cent or more than 80 per cent while Manglaur, Haridwar Rural and Bhagwanpur Assembly constituencies reported more than 78 per cent polling and Roorkee Assembly constituency reported only 61 per cent voting.

The voting percentage has created panic among the BSP and Congress, as both are staking claim to the Dalit and Muslim vote banks.

In Uttarakashi district, 72.88 per cent polling was reported with a very 77.48 per cent turnout in Purola SC seat, 71.18 per cent in Yamunotri and 70.55 per cent in Gangotri. In Dehradun district two constituencies Vikasnagar (in Bhabhar area) and Chakrata ST (in the hills) reported 72.46 and 75.6 per cent turnouts, respectively.

There is a myth that whosoever wins Gangotri Assembly seat sees his party forming the government. So vote percentage increases in every Assembly election. In 2007, polling percentage here was 71.69 per cent while this year it was 72.88 per cent.

In Udham Singh Nagar polling percentage reported 76.65 per cent. In which Sitarganj, where BSP MLA Narayanpal contesting, and Gadarpur, where former CM ND Tiwari’s nephew Maneesh Tiwari is contesting on the Congress ticket against BJP MLA Arvind Pandey, have reported more than 80 per cent polling. Five constituencies of Khatima, Kichha, Rudrapur, Bazpur and Jaspur reported more than 75 per cent polling while two constituencies Nanakmatta and Kashipur reported 73.45 per cent and 69.43 percent, respectively.

In four hill districts of Kumaon, Pithoragarh (62.28 per cent), Bageshwar(61.09 per cent), Almora (55.5 per cent) and Nainital (60.68 per cent) less than average polling was reported.

Results would be announced after 34 days on March 6, so the people would get enough time to have discussions on the voting trend. The Uttarakhand polls are being billed by many as a watershed in the history of the State as it would test whether anti-incumbency is a factor or not.

Although both major competitors for power are talking of development and only development, the people of the State are the authority on whose development they would go for and which argument they have understood better. Polling percentage in the third Assembly election was reported at 66.89 per cent, which is a mere four per cent higher than Assembly election 2007.

It shows that the State’s residents are getting wiser and politicians will have to work in their constituencies or else they will have to face the music in future.

Voicing optimism, Maj Gen Bhuwan Chandra Khanduri,  said it is a very positive signal. “We feel we will form the government comfortably but again it is for the people to decide,” he said.

Article source: http://dailypioneer.com/nation/39290-voting-trends-tell-a-complex-tale.html

dominate the noisy discourse. But it wasn’t as much about 2G, CWG, Anna Hazare’s Lokpal or CM BC Khanduri’s Lokyaukta praised by anti-graft activists.

The recurring theme invoked homegrown images — at times leaving the BJP on the back foot despite an indulgent Team Anna that arrived and returned without making a meaningful impact.

A media conference in Haridwar saw associates of Anna field searching questions on a damning CAG report on the “Kumbh mela” scandal under Ramesh Pokhriyal Nishank whom Khanduri replaced as CM before the polls. Local journalists dismissed as pretentious their claims to political “neutrality”.

“While here, they were facilitated on the quiet by elements known to be politically aligned,” said a Haridwar-based reporter. He felt corruption had electoral traction in constituencies where aspirants were overtly tainted. Example: the contest in Haridwar city between a controversial minister and a Congress nominee backed by the numerically and spiritually influential sant samaj.  

A masseur at a health clinic 24 km away in Rishikesh had his own take on Hazare’s team-mates: “Anna’s Ramlila maidan fast and the police action there against Baba Ramdev captured popular imagination most of which has since dissipated. People will vote for reliable faces no matter where they come from — Congress, BJP or BSP.”

That in a way made rebel candidatures a bigger challenge for the Congress than for BJP. The damage potential of renegades was visible as much in Rishikesh where a youth congress leader handpicked by Rahul Gandhi was fighting, among others, a party colleague denied ticket.  

The masseur’s views tallied with those of a RSS inclined office bearer of the Sumo taxi association. “We fight assembly polls the way we fight panchayat elections,” he said.

Big names, bombastic issues don’t matter in vidhan sabha segments uniformly smaller in size than the national average. Anna’s foot soldiers could have influenced a section of the urban electorate. But what translates better into votes is anti-incumbency, peer pressure, caste, kinship, personalised campaigning, the candidate’s profile and his ability to resolve local issues.

“Why not back people who’d be honest without the Lokayukta deterrence,” asked a Muslim shopkeeper in Roorkee. He said his community was divided between “good” BSP and Congress candidates.        

Sagacious ticket distribution was the key therefore to a better show at the hustings. The BJP did well on that score but faltered in getting senior leaders to work in tandem with the new CM whose “indispensability” was so overblown as to predicate the state’s future on his continuation: “Khanduri hai zaroori…”  

Among those who thought otherwise were his predecessors — Nishank and Bhagat Singh Koshiyari. If the BJP does pull off a win or ensure for itself a sizeable presence in the new House, the credit will go to the retired general. Others jostling for space on the victory stand will be rank intruders.

An outright Congress win — which isn’t beyond the pale of possibility given the high voting rate — will be a blow as much for Team Anna as for Khanduri who adopted their version of the Lokayukta.

Article source: http://www.hindustantimes.com/News-Feed/Chunk-HT-UI-AssemblyElections2012-Uttarakhand-TopStories/In-Uttarakhand-corruption-moves-voters-not-Team-Anna/Article1-804382.aspx

PTI | 08:01 PM,Jan 30,2012

Haridwar, Jan 30 (PTI) A senior commandant of the
Central Industrial Security Force (CISF), who was deployed on
election duty in Uttarakhand, died here today following heart
attack, officials said.
55-year-old Ajit Panwar was on patrolling in Laksar
constituency of the district when he suddenly collapsed and
died on the spot, they said.
A resident of Dadri in Haryana, Panwar had come for
election duty from Jaipur.
District Magistrate D S Pandiyan said the information of
the death of Panwar has been conveyed to his family and the
23rd battalion of CISF, to which he was associated. PTI CORR
DPT AGL

Article source: http://ibnlive.in.com/generalnewsfeed/news/cisf-officer-dies-during-poll-duty-in-uttarakhand/958023.html